Thursday, July 16, 2020
To the glory of those before.
Monday, July 6, 2020
Notes from A History of the World in Seven Cheap Things, part 2: Sugar and early Plantations
The Castillian and Portuguese aristocracy, in
debt with Italian financiers for help in their conquest of the Iberian
peninsula, doubled down on their successful style of conquest, plunder and tribute and initiated the first colonial conquests of
the Atlantic in the Canary Islands and Madeira. Madeira, the Island of
Wood, was first known to the Portuguese in 1419. Initial deforestation
followed as the Portuguese cut the great forests for shipbuilding
lumber. The land was then turned to wheat growing for Portugal from the
1430s. Then the land was turned to sugar, and near
total deforestation followed for fuel in the production process.
Sugar is difficult to process. Initial European production in Iberia (Valencia) funded by German banks used Muslim techniques developed in the near East, using slave and free workers. Commercial sugar production started in 1420s, and was taken to Madeira. by 1460s there was almost exclusively sugar production in Madeira. This developed all the tendencies of monoculture and led to the development of specialised labour and technology. In São Tomé, the Portuguese colony off the coast of West Africa, large scale slave plantations were developed, and the techniques invented here were later taken to the new world. "Centuries before Adam Smith could marvel at the division of labor across a supply chain that made a pin, the relationship between humans, plants, and capital had forged the core ideas of modern manufacturing - in cane fields. The plantation was the original factory."pp16 Demand from Europe was essentially infinite, and new expeditions to develop cane industry was financed by Italian and Flemish 'capitalists'.
Who worked these fields? In Madeira "Indigenous Peoples of the Canary Islands, North African slaves and - in some cases- paid plantation laborers from maniland Europe." pp16
The slaves were used to carve enormous irrigation channels across the islands. Sugar requires 50x its weight in wood for fuel to boil for the production process, and this led to the total deforestation of the island by 1530, leading to a crash in the island's sugar production, which increased the move to the New World for sugar production, taking its drive for deforestation with it. "Europe's wealthy ate the sugar, and sugar ate the island."pp17. The economy on Madeira then became a slave port (which role it functioned in until the 18th century) with land turned to vinyards. Wine production did not demand slave labour, but it did demand wood for the barrels - again this was brought from the New World.
Patel and Moore then begin a conversation about frontiers and how Capitalism works that I will return to later. They discuss how Capitalism is constantly using frontiers, boundaries,
to filter communities/ecologies of life cycles and exchange, and consume
them. To my mind they describe Capitalism as essentially a giant
paper mill, mulching the entirety of the world's ecology and all life
within it to pulp for profit: I am also reminded of the comment somewhere that the role of states is to make nature/people/resources 'readable', or processible, in the same way as a bar code at the supermarket. [There is a left-brain process at work here - see The Master and his Emissary]. Frontiers are necessary for Capitalism (see Eleanor Meiksins Wood on this as well) because they are where the complex web of life is transformed into the readable - the currency - the dollar. Frontiers are where the analogue becomes digital.
"we mean by cheapness: it's a set of strategies to manage relations between capitalism and the web of life by temporarily fixing capitalism's crises. Cheap is not the same as low cost - though that's a part of it. Cheap is a strategy, a practice, a violence that mobilizes all kinds of work - human and animal, botanical and geological - with as little compensation as possible. We use cheap to talk about the process through which capitalism transmutes these undenominated relationships of life-making into circuits of production and consumption, in which these relations come to have as low a price as possible." pp22
Notes from A History of the World in Seven Cheap Things, Part 1
A history of the world in seven cheap things, a guide to Capitalism, Nature, and the future of the Planet. Patel R, Moore JW. Verso 2018.
Moore and Patel argue that talking about the Antropocene suggests that the current situation of ecological destruction is simply a result of human nature, and thus immutable; deplorable, but unavoidable. They suggest the term Capitalocene, to denote that the way that in modern history since circa the 1400s the development of the Capitalist system is a fundamentally different development to those climatic events that occurred before, even if they were also driven by human activity. The Capitalocene draws attention to Capitalism not just as an economic system but also as a way of "organizing the relations between humans and the rest of nature."pp3
They frame their argument around the cheapening of "...seven cheap things: "Nature, money, work, care, food, energy and lives...cheapening is a set of strategies to control a wider web of life. "Things" become things through armies and clerics and accountants and print."pp3 This pays attention to the way that the process of Capitalist accumulation requires the drawing of boundaries, the creating of terms such as "things" and "cheap". They give the example of Chicken as a starting point. Chickens are nature commodified, a genetically manipulated bird whose very lifespan no longer serves life in nature, but is accelerated and turned monstrous through fattening in order to serve the human appetite for cheap flesh. They then follow the chicken through the production line, showing the undervalued (and sometimes prison slavery) work that processes chicken for our maws, drawing attention to the injuries sustained by the workers. Their continued employment then rests on the free care provided by families and communities, and they explore the way that this is produced. Etc. We will go through the chapters separately eventually.
Their history begins with the medieval warm period of 950-1250, a climatic anomaly with a steady warm climate and mild winters. This had led to the tripling of the European population to 70million over five centuries. Agricultural surplus led to the formation of towns, and 20% of the population worked outside agriculture by 1300. They note also that increasing populations allowed for expansionary projects for Christendom - the Crusades and the reconquest of Spain. Crusaders would conquer land and demand tribute, [presumably setting up the basis of cash economies which allowed for financialisation]. The other aspect of conquest was that of cultivation. By the 1300s agriculture took up a third of all European land use and had expanded through deforestation.
Enter the Great Famine of 1315-1322 which they take as ringing the deathknell for Feudalism. Feudalistic power relations meant that the land was controlled by Lords and worked by peasants. During the previous centuries, agricultural surpluses had seen population expanding with carrying capactiy, and reducing returns on the profitability of land along with gradual soil degeneration. Lords wanted cash crops or grain that could be easily stored, in order to increase their profits. This tends towards monocultures and the control of the lords means the peasantry is unable to adapt what they grow to changing climate. This creates fragile food systems. [In the background to this is the whole process of enclosure of the commons, and the attack on women, for which more in Federici]. Then, when devastating rains started in 1315 (possibly due to the eruption of a volcano in New Zealand) what followed was seven years of famine and a reduction of the European population by 20%.
This was one among many famines leading to malnutrition, weakening peasant immune systems. Urbanisation is increasing as peasants are driven from the land (by lords or because of hunger). Enter the plagues of that era, with the Black Death arriving in 1347, and the European population further decreases to something like half of its pre 1300s level.
"The aristocracy wanted a relatively high peasant population, to maintain its bargaining position: many peasants competing for land was better than many lords competing for peasants. But with the onset of the Black Death, webs of commerce and exchange didn't just transmit disease - they became vectors of mass insurrection. Almost overnight, peasant revolts ceased being local affairs and became large-scale threats to the feudal order. After 1347 these uprisings were synchronized - they were system-wide responses to an epochal crisis, a fundamental breakdown in feudalism's logic of power, production, and nature...The Black Death precipitated an unbearable strain on a system already stretched to the breaking point. Europe after the plague was a place of unrelenting class war".
Peasants demanded more freedom, restoration of rights, revocation of duties. The aristocracy responded with repression, legislating to keep labour cheap and attempts at reenserfment (which failed). Class struggle had the advantage and through multiple and enormous insurrections wages and living conditions improved for peasants and urban workers. In the rubble of the feudal system the ruling classes searched for new solutions.
Enter colonialism, in part 2.